The first two series of the TV drama starring Matthew Macfadyen as a detective trying to maintain the law on the streets of Whitechapel in the wake of the Jack the Ripper murders. Though the immediate threat posed by the Ripper seems to have receded, H Division's Detective Inspector Edmund Reid (Macfadyen), aided by the hard-boiled Sergeant Bennett Drake (Jerome Flynn) and American forensics expert Captain Homer Jackson (Adam Rothenberg), still has his hands full trying to keep the East End streets safe. Series 1 episodes are: 'I Need Light', 'In My Protection', 'The King Came Calling', 'The Good of This City', 'The Weight of One Man's Heart', 'Tournament of Shadows', 'A Man of My Company' and 'What Use Our Work?'. Series 2 episodes are: 'Pure As the Driven', 'Am I Not Monstrous?', 'Become Man', 'Dynamite and a Woman', 'Threads of Silk and Gold', 'A Stronger Loving World', 'Our Betrayal: Part One' and 'Our Betrayal: Part Two'.

Originally published in 1940, The Unemployment Services provides a thorough examination of the system of unemployment relief. The book looks at fundamental proposals for the extension of necessary provisions for improving the conditions of the unemployed, and their dependents. The book provides a detailed knowledge of regulations and scales, and uses an unorthodox dissection of the principles embodied in this code of laws, which plays so large a part in the lives of industrial workers and their dependents.

Originally published in 1940, The Unemployment Services provides a thorough examination of the system of unemployment relief. The book looks at fundamental proposals for the extension of necessary provisions for improving the conditions of the unemployed, and their dependents. The book provides a detailed knowledge of regulations and scales, and uses an unorthodox dissection of the principles embodied in this code of laws, which plays so large a part in the lives of industrial workers and their dependents.

This book was originally published in 1972 and relates to the Hausa-speaking people of West Africa. At the time of publication there were perhaps as many as 15 million Hausa-speaking people in the area, most of whom lived in the countryside in northern Nigeria and the neighbouring Niger Republic. This book is at once an examination of the socio-economic life of a small Hausa village and a study of the way of life of the rural Hausa generally. The book as a whole provides a wide-ranging survey both of what was known and of what was, and in some cases still is, little understood. Very few books had been written on the rural Hausa, much of the literature consisting of scarce pamphlets and official reports; this book not only reports important research, but also surveys literature which was otherwise not generally available. The themes which emerge from this study are similar to many which Polly Hill has stressed elsewhere: people who do not fit into crude stereotypes and socio-economic life are always much more varied and sophisticated than superficial observers would suppose.

Originally published in 1970, this is a collection of studies of indigenous economies in Ghana and Nigeria by an author with an unusual interdisciplinary approach. In the opening section it is contended that most economists interested in underdeveloped countries have neglected the detailed study of economic organization and mechanism in the field, especially in rural areas, and that, as a result, there has been little testing of many conventional implicit assumptions that happen to be invalid. The subsequent chapters of the book are both a vigorous corrective to socio-economic generalisations based on too little data and a demonstration of the possibilities of a research method that owes more to the example of social anthropologists than to that of economists. The sophistication of the picture of certain sectors of rural life that emerges from the whole book will surprise many readers.

This book, which reports on fieldwork done in an exceedingly densely populated locality of rural Hausaland (Dorayi) in 1971 1972, is complete in itself. In it Dr Hill compares and contrasts Dorayi with the much less densely populated village of her previous study, with special reference to the consequences of high and persistent population density; she also attempts to interpret the present-day stability of this stagnating, impoverished, overcrowded community in terms of socio-economic conditions in rural Kano Emirate generally in very early colonial times, utilising archival as well as field material. Some of the consequences of persistent population pressure are most surprising (an example is the brake it puts on outward migration): they will be eagerly studied by demographers who commonly search in vain for relevant socio-economic studies, particularly any dealing with the plight of the most impoverished, who tend to get overlooked.

Polly Hill's provocative new book examines the disastrous gulf that currently separates development economics from its sister discipline, economic anthropology. Working with material from the rural tropical world, much of it collected at first hand in West Africa and South India, Dr Hill demonstrates in the first, polemical part of her book how very unreliable and western-biased are the assumptions on which most development economists base their theoretical work. She shows in particular that misleading official statistics are handled uncritically, that the significance of innate rural inequality is consistently ignored and the revered concepts such as the 'population explosion' are in anthropological terms largely meaningless. The longer second part of the book illustrates the enormous relevance and potential of economic anthropology for economists by looking in turn at the true complexity of farming households, labour and inheritance; at debt, social stratification and economic inequality, and at problems connected with the sale of land, the role of women and migration. Taken overall, Development Economics on Trial represents a powerful and urgent plea for co-operation.

Anthropologists and economists have made persistent efforts to identify economic features of rural tropical economies in the simplest possible terms, in order to enhance their universality. This work has resulted in the creation of a body of doctrine on such matters as the causes of rural economic inequality and abysmal poverty which has hardened the arteries of our thought. The doctrine is far too generalised to have any practical utility; it is ahistorical; and it usually involves the dangerous and false belief that all cultivators in any particular community are apt to have similar economic responses. So firm is this orthodoxy (which has a wide political spectrum), so great the fear of the chaos which would result from emphasising the significance of the heterogeneity of socio-economic structures, that under-development studies have become deadlocked - to the point that our ignorance is constantly on the increase. The book represents a radical assault on prevailing orthodoxy: it is an attempt to break the deadlock by insisting on the prior need for the proper categorisation of the main types of agrarian system in the tropical world, which are not necessarily at all numerous.

This book was originally published in 1972 and relates to the Hausa-speaking people of West Africa. At the time of publication there were perhaps as many as 15 million Hausa-speaking people in the area, most of whom lived in the countryside in northern Nigeria and the neighbouring Niger Republic. This book is at once an examination of the socio-economic life of a small Hausa village and a study of the way of life of the rural Hausa generally. The book as a whole provides a wide-ranging survey both of what was known and of what was, and in some cases still is, little understood. Very few books had been written on the rural Hausa, much of the literature consisting of scarce pamphlets and official reports; this book not only reports important research, but also surveys literature which was otherwise not generally available. The themes which emerge from this study are similar to many which Polly Hill has stressed elsewhere: people who do not fit into crude stereotypes and socio-economic life are always much more varied and sophisticated than superficial observers would suppose.